Hendershott: The Harris Poll is an excellent source. However, one should just keep in mind that they used an "interactive poll" which means that it is conducted online. Although they do not say it, any interactive poll (online) must acknowledge the self-selection bias that can occur. By this I mean, people who have strong feelings about abortion (one way or the other) will be more likely to participate in the survey. Others will "delete" it quickly. Usually the bias cancels itself out if the sample is representative (e.g., the pro-choicers will equal the pro-lifers).
But, of course, self-selection bias can occur with telephone surveys and it is even worse with in-person surveys where the respondent gives the "socially desirable" response. Today, much support for gay civil unions that pollsters are finding in face-to-face interviews reflects social desirability bias: it arises from the desire on the part of the respondent to give the answer that he or she thinks the pollster wants to hear. Concerned about appearances, the respondent wants to look "cool" and unbigoted or unprejudiced to the pollster. In today's pro-gay climate, no one wants to be perceived as homophobic. The same goes for abortion. But, as it gets safer to be pro-life (as more "cool" people come out as pro-life), it will again be socially desirable to be pro-life and you will get people more likely to admit it. I cannot tell you how many people have confided to me that they have been pro-life for years but too embarrassed to say it out loud.
Berg: Why did you write The Politics of Abortion and what were the primary conclusions you draw in the book?
Hendershott: I am a very curious person; that is why I became a sociologist. I studied abortion because I wanted to understand how abortion became the norm -- how it became the societal default position. I was doing research for my previous book (The Politics of Deviance) which looks at how behaviors become defined as "deviant" or "normal". In that book I present the process of redefinition as a process of marketing, that is, when interest groups and lobbyists "sell" new definitions of behaviors, such as drug abuse (which has been medicalized) and homosexuality (which has been normalized). I have always been interested in the process of "selling" new definitions of behaviors.
So, I kept running into abortion, which used to be viewed as a form of deviance. I had intended to include a chapter in the deviance book but my publisher could see that a single chapter would never been enough. I decided to devote a whole book to it. Abortion, as it turns out, like many forms of deviance was redefined. It was "defined down" to use Daniel Patrick Moynihan's phrase. Society was "sold" a new definition of abortion as a liberating and good thing for women even before we knew we needed a new definition of abortion.
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It was "sold" the same way a new laundry detergent was sold: with very overt marketing techniques. With abortion, I was just curious about who was doing the selling. I learned a lot, and sadly, learned that in addition to those who stood to benefit financially (clinic owners like Larry Lader and Bernard Nathanson before his conversion), there were those who stood to benefit in other ways. Politicians learned that they could get new liberal voters and a ton of money by selling the new definition. And saddest of all, some liberal Catholic priests learned that they could gain status and power by denying church teachings and allying with the powerful elite politicians.
Berg: You just published a book on Catholic higher education in the U.S. In that regard, we spend a lot of time focusing on 'what went wrong' with Catholic higher ed. I would be interested to know your take on that, but even more interested in knowing where you think Catholic higher ed is going.
Hendershott: When I began writing my book Status Envy: the Politics of Catholic Higher Education, I believed that the major problem in Catholic higher ed was that in the pursuit of upward mobility, Catholic college administrators and faculty members became embarrassed about their "connection" to what they began to see as a Church mired in tradition and the past. In a growing egalitarian society, they began to be ashamed to be seen as answering to a "higher authority" than the life of the mind.