Berg: Let me ask you the same question I asked George Weigel a few months ago in a similar interview: We grew accustomed to Pope John Paul II reiterating the need to get at the "roots" of terrorism, which he identified as various forms of injustice. For instance:
History, in fact, shows that the recruitment of terrorists is more easily achieved in areas where human rights are trampled upon and where injustice is a part of daily life. This is not to say that the inequalities and abuses existing in the world excuse acts of terrorism: there can never, of course, be any justification for violence and disregard for human life. However, the international community can no longer overlook the underlying causes that lead young people especially to despair of humanity, of life itself and of the future, and to fall prey to the temptations of violence, hatred, and a desire for revenge at any cost (Address to new British ambassador, Sept. 2002).
Do you find in this notion--particularly as it is insisted on today--at all naïve or misguided?
Santorum: I don't doubt that poverty and injustice leads many young Muslims to take up the cause of violent jihad. And I am certainly a big supporter of taking measures to alleviate such poverty. But this is far from the entire story, and faithful Catholics who believe that theology and religious conviction matter beyond our private spiritual lives should be particularly suspicious of such "reductionist" explanations of violent jihad. They simply do not account adequately for the jihadists' own justifications for their jihad against the West.
Let me recommend one very helpful scholarly book published by the Hoover Institution titled Warrant for Terror: The Fatwas of Radical Islam and the Duty to Jihad by Shmuel Bar. Bar examines fatwas, which are rigorously written legal opinions declaring whether certain actions under Islam are obligatory, permitted or forbidden. They serve as a major instrument by which Islamic religious leaders influence Muslims to engage in acts of violent jihad. The crucial point is that these fatwas should not be dismissed as merely a cynical use of theology and religious terminology in the service of political propaganda. The violent jihadists themselves believe they are acting in accordance with the precepts of Islam and in accordance with Islamic (sharia) law. In short, we must take far more seriously the jihadis' own stated theological-jurisprudential justifications for their jihad.
Berg: Magdi Allam, the high profile Italian convert from Islam to Catholicism affirmed in a letter to his editor at Corriere della Serra that: " I am absolutely convinced that it is possible to dialogue and that we should dialogue with all Muslims who share a respect for the fundamental rights of the human person... and foster the common pursuit of civility." Are you optimistic about such dialogues, for example, the dialogues that have initiated at the Vatican with Islamic intellectuals?
Santorum: I'm not opposed to talking with Islamic intellectuals, but I would want to cut through the typical cant you often find in such "dialogue." One way to do that is to focus on the issue of religious freedom in general, but more particularly on a basic issue - such as legal sanctions in Islamic regimes for apostasy and blasphemy. If our Islamic "dialogue partners" are not willing to publicly and officially defend the rights of individuals who live in Islamic regimes to change their religion from Islam to some other faith, then I think we ought to question whether they are really committed to "a respect for the fundamental rights of the human person." If they are not willing publicly and officially to defend the right of Christians to print and distribute Arabic language Bibles in Islamic countries, then I think we ought to question their "respect for the fundamental rights of the human person." If they will not publicly and officially embrace Article 18 of the UN Declaration on Human Rights, which reads, "Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance," then we are right to question whether they indeed have "a respect for the fundamental rights of the human person."
After discovering just where our "Islamic dialogue partners" really stand on these and related issues, we should ask them when they will allow Protestant, Catholic and Jewish churches to worship openly and freely without fear in places like, say, Riyahd, Saudi Arabia. And if they're not willing openly and publicly to support such a minimal request, then perhaps we can question their "respect for the fundamental rights of the human person."
And then perhaps we can seek out "Islamic dialogue partners" who are true reformers, such as my friend Tawfik Hamid. Born into a secular Muslim family in Egypt, Dr. Hamid joined an extremist group called Jamma's Islameia while still a medical student. In class he was learning how to heal the sick, but his thoughts, he says, were to "die for Allah and share in terrorist acts." Today he is seeking to build a new way of thinking within the Islamic world. Hamid writes:
"It may seem bizarre, but Islamic reformers are not immune to the charge of 'Islamophobia' either. For 20 years, I have preached a reformed interpretation of Islam that teaches peace and respects human rights. I have consistently spoken out - with dozens of other Muslim and Arab reformers - against the mistreatment of women, gays and religious minorities in the Islamic world. We have pointed out the violent teachings of Salafism and the imperative of Westerners to protect themselves against it. Muslims must ask what prompts this "phobia" in the first place. When we in the West examine the worldwide atrocities perpetrated daily in the name of Islam, it is vital to question if we - Muslims - should lay the blame on others for Islamophobia or if we should first look hard at ourselves."
Berg: Do you hold that Islam itself is intrinsically flawed in any way?
Santorum: I'm a Christian. I believe Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God, the Second Person of the Trinity and all the other truths affirmed in the Apostles Creed, Nicean Creed and other classic creeds of Christianity. So, if in a "dialogue," a Muslim were to claim, as he must, that these beliefs are false, that Jesus is not really the Messiah, not really the Son of God, not really the Second Person of the Trinity, that the Trinity is a form of polytheism that should be rejected and so forth, then by definition he thinks that my theology and religion are "intrinsically flawed." I'm not particularly "offended" by that. But, for the same reason, because he denies what I hold to be true, I am logically bound to believe that his theology and religion are "intrinsically flawed." Needless to say, this isn't being "Islamophobic" and my "dialogue partner" is not being "Christophobic;" it is simply recognizing the law of non-contradiction. It is logically possible for us both to be wrong in our truth claims about the Trinity, the Deity of Christ, whether Mohammed was a true prophet and such. The atheist and secularist would say we are both wrong. However we can't both be right. In short, it would seem to me that any Christian worth his salt must conclude that Islam is "intrinsically flawed" just as any Muslim must conclude that Christianity is "intrinsically flawed."
The question, then, is how do we live together peaceably given our theological differences. How do we openly, freely, and peacefully seek to persuade each other of the truth of our deepest theological and religious convictions? But it is here that the issue is joined. Can an Islamic state permit the free expression of religious ideas and disagreement? Is this compatible with any recognizable understanding of Sharia law? If not, then that would seem another reason for Christians to think that Islam is "intrinsically flawed."
Rick writes a bi-weekly column for the Philadelphia Inquirer. I invite you to keep an eye on his columns. For instance, you might want to take a look at a column he wrote a few weeks ago in which he addresses the recommendations on "Terminology to Define Terrorists," that nine-page, "Official Use Only" memo issued in January by Homeland Security's Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties-the topic of my column last week. Rick Santorum is a profound, provocative, and timely thinker. He is also a wonderful human being, a husband and father, a person I am proud to call a friend. Thanks for taking the time, Rick.