Allam, as the reader quickly notes, pulls no punches in his wholesale rejection of Islam. He continues:
I have been criminalized and there have not lacked those who compare me to the very Islamic extremists who have condemned me to death, simply because I have expressed a radically negative judgment of Islam. A throng of 'chrisitian-communist-Islamicists', adorers of ethical, cultural and religious relativism (not to mention political correctness) would have preferred that I limit my denunciation to that of Islamic terrorism, while maintaining an overall positive assessment of Islam. After all, as they see it, all religions can be susceptible from time to time of failing to be consistent with creedal contents, and, at any rate, one should never say things than can hurt another's susceptibility. But excuse me, gentlemen: if I have converted to Catholicism, this is obviously because I've developed a negative assessment of Islam. If I really believed that Islam was a true and good religion, why would I have abandoned it?[1]
All of this comes from a man who affirms that "on my first Easter as a Christian I not only discovered Jesus, I discovered for the first time the face of the true and only God, who is the God of faith and reason," a man who in large parts credits Pope Benedict XVI for the discovery particularly of the harmony between faith and reason which Christianity presupposes.
Then there's Bret Stephens' column from last Tuesday's WSJ. His point of departure was the newly published recommendations on "Terminology to Define Terrorists," a nine-page, "Official Use Only" memo issued by Homeland Security's Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties. Stephens notes that the memo supposedly represents the suggestions of a "wide variety" of unnamed American Muslim leaders. Though not a statement of official policy, it gives us the unsettling notion that the rhetoric of "the global war on terror" may be morphing into an innocuous (and supremely ineffectual) blather. According to Stephens, in the minds of many at the State Department, terms such as 'Islamic' and 'Jihad' are to be extricated from official parlance, as is the--apparently explosive term--'liberty.' Writes Stephens:
In its most eye-catching recommendation...the DHS authors explain their preference for the word 'progress' over 'liberty.' "The struggle is for 'progress,' over which no nation has a monopoly," reads the memo. "The experts we consulted debated the word 'liberty,' but rejected it because many around the world would discount the term as a buzzword for American hegemony. But all people want to support 'progress,' ... And progress is precisely what the terrorists oppose through their violent tactics and through their efforts to impose a totalitarian world view."
It seems to have escaped the authors' notice that the most formidable totalitarian movement of the 20th century - communism - was, by its own lights, "progressive." It seems to have escaped their notice that the essence of a totalitarian system is the denial of liberty (often in the name of progress). It seems to have escaped their notice that "progress" is a word that signifies nothing. Exactly what is one progressing to?
"Perhaps with further moral and intellectual refinement," muses Stephens, "we can someday embark on a 'General Effort Against Negativity and Ungoodness.' One wonders if, on the rhetorical level, such will not be the final product after the same political correctness decried by Allam corrodes the very meaning of what was once called a "war on terror."
(Column continues below)
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Kagan's Of Paradise and Power (first published in 2003, and with a new Afterword in 2004) is an enormously insightful essay on what ails European-American relations these days. On the very meaning of such things as a 'war on terror', the threat posed at one time by Saddam Hussein, the dangers posed by militant Islam, Americans and Europeans have generally tended to, shall we say, disagree.
Kagan's essay tracks the historical events and conceptual changes that have caused the strained relations between these two political entities whose well being, fortunes and futures were once intimately moored together in what, as Kagan would put it, used to be called "the West."
In a final section of the essay entitled "Adjusting to Hegemony," Kagan explores the multiple implications of America's remaining in the world as a sole superpower after the fall of Communism. Europe, he observes, has become something of a modern miracle. Having overcome its own centuries-old demons of internal belligerence (having definitively resolved "the German question"), today a united Europe has exorcised those demons and emerged as a modern paradise, largely united around an ideology that adamantly rejects the notion of power politics. "The problem," observes Kagan, "is that the United States must sometimes play by the rules of a Hobbesian world, even though in doing so it violates Europe's postmodern norms...It must live by a double standard. And it must sometimes act unilaterally, not out of a passion for unilateralism but only because, given a weak Europe that has moved beyond power, the United States has no choice but to act unilaterally."